Espirales. Revista multidisciplinaria de investigación científica, Vol. 5, No. 39
October - December 2021. e-ISSN 2550-6862. págs 55-66
DOI: https://doi.org/10.31876/er.v5i39.804
Violence in Mexico: the politicides in Puebla from 2010-
2020
La violencia en México: los politicidios en Puebla de 2010-2020
Juan Calvillo Barrios*
Received: January 22, 2021.
Approved: July 18, 2021.
Abstract
This paper argues that the decision making of the political class is one
of the main causes of violence and poverty, by presenting statistics
that show the evolution of violence in the state of Puebla, Mexico,
evidencing manifestations of violence: kidnappings, extortions and
murders in the political class. The method used in the process is of a
mixed type, used to collect and present statistical data and, through
inferential analysis, project their future behavior, thus seeking a
change in their behavior, which gives it a normative character. Among
the main results, there is evidence of a rise in politicides in Puebla,
normalizing violence within the population, this leads to identify a
dystopia, following Lorenzo Meyer "the negative aspects of the
exercise of power dominate to an extreme degree "(Meyer, 2017, p.
13). There remains for discussion the need to reinterpret the scope of
violence, which, although it may reflect a sense of defense, the
evidence shows the opposite. In this way, a reflection is drawn on the
risks of such violence and the possibilities of turning the state
apparatus into a failed one.
Keywords:
Poverty, Violence, Politicide, State, Political class.
*D. in Sociology, Research Professor,
Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de
Puebla, Puebla, Mexico,
juan.calvillo@correo.buap.mx,
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4199-763,
Cite this:
Cavillo, J. (2021). Violence in Mexico:
the politicides in Puebla from 2010-
2020 Espirales. Revista
Multidisciplinaria de investigación
científica, 5(39), 55-66
Violence in Mexico: the politicides in Puebla from 2010-2020
Espirales. Revista multidisciplinaria de investigación científica, Vol. 5, No. 39
October - December 2021. e-ISSN 2550-6862. págs 55-66
56
Ç
Introduction
The problem of violence in general, and homicide in particular, are of a social, legal and
political nature, which in recent years have worsened in the country, and although there
are several investigations on it, due to the growing trend of the phenomenon, they are
quickly left behind, not to mention that, for professional, media or political reasons,
there are some lines that are addressed, but others are not.
As a complement to the research that attributes the rise in violence indicators to factors
associated with poverty, culture, the war between cartels (Quiroz-Felix et al, 2015), and
even the emergence of new actors such as the national guard, the army or the navy, we
start from the thesis that the main cause of the upturn in violence lies in the behavior of
the political class, without thinking about the temporality of their position (they believe
that they will always be part of the political class and therefore will enjoy immunity and
impunity), nor about their margin of affectability (they consider themselves untouchable
and that this immunity and impunity can be extended to their relatives), they approve
policy measures (economic, labor, educational, energy, or legal) that have harmful
consequences for society, mainly poverty, which creates a propitious ground to
generate the problem we are dealing with: violence.
The objective that guides us is to show politicians the magnitude of these consequences
through statistics that reflect the spiral of violence in the country, and in the state of
Puebla, mainly the one that they themselves have begun to suffer through the record
of politicides perpetrated in Puebla during the period 2010-2018, trying to notice that
the problem they have generated turns against them, which should make them more
Resumen
El presente trabajo, sostiene que la toma de decisiones de la clase
política es una de las causas principales de la violencia y pobreza, al
presentar estadísticas que muestran la evolución de la violencia en el
estado de Puebla, México, evidenciando manifestaciones de
violencia: secuestros, extorsiones y asesinatos en la clase política. El
método utilizado en el proceso es de tipo mixto, utilizada para
recolectar y presentar datos estadísticos y, a través del análisis
inferencial proyectar su comportamiento futuro, buscando con ello
un cambio en su comportamiento, lo que le da un carácter normativo.
Entre los principales resultados, se evidencia un alza en los
politicidios en Puebla, normalizando la violencia dentro de la
población, esto lleva a identificar una distopía, siguiendo a Lorenzo
Meyer “dominan en grado extremo los aspectos negativos del
ejercicio del poder” (Meyer, 2017, p. 13). Queda a discusión la
necesidad de reinterpretar los alcances de la violencia, que, si bien
puede reflejar un sentido de defensa, las evidencias muestran lo
contrario. De esta manera, se dibuja una reflexión sobre los riesgos
de dichas violencias y las posibilidades de convertir al aparato estatal
en uno fallido.
Palabras clave:
Pobreza, Violencia, Politicidio, Estado, Clase política.
Juan Calvillo Barrios
Espirales. Revista multidisciplinaria de investigación científica, Vol. 5, No. 39
October - December 2021. e-ISSN 2550-6862. págs 55-66
57
responsible because, as recently pointed out, negligence, incompetence and
corruption also generate violence, which puts at risk the permanence of the state, the
political class and society because in socio-politico-economic systems, based on
dispossession and exploitation, violence is a consequence (Barbosa, 2017, pp. 6-23-24)
that in our country causes each current year to surpass the previous one in the indicators
that measure it.
In 2019, the most violent year of the last 22, 34,582 homicides were committed, while
femicides were 10 percent higher, with 1,6 thousand 6 cases compared to 912 the
previous year. The entities with the highest incidence of homicides were the State of
Mexico, Mexico City, Jalisco, Guanajuato and Baja California, while in femicides
Veracruz, Nuevo León, Puebla and the State of Mexico (Rivera, 2020).
To directly address the issue, in a context of high levels of violence, and an environment
of increasing poverty, we refer those interested in these issues to the specialized
literature that addresses them, to focus on some brief explanations about the inclination
of man and the state to violence.
Violence and Man: Much of the theoretical reflection rests on the interpretation of the
nature of man, however, few are those who stuck to their reality, the vast majority
preferred their idealization, either as a starting point or arrival, which affected the
research, not only on the political act, but also on the social, since although they
observed that the contradiction encloses the explanatory totality, by opting for the
good part they achieved acceptance and greatness but lost explanatory capacity.
Among the few who preferred certainty, despite the controversy, we have the Marquis
de Sade, who points out that "crime and virtue are <<equal>> in <<nature>> (and
therefore) there is no reason to prefer the latter to the former, if the latter can contribute
to the happiness of the individual.... (being) evident that in a constituted society such
as the one in which it has fallen to him to live, the exercise of crime is more profitable
than that of virtue", although his case is the only one that, having refused the systematic
practice of virtue, has failed in the access to power, perhaps due to the little confidence
generated by his frankness, literary and experiential, which evidences that, only by
mockery or sarcasm he defends virtue, a process that others achieved in a better way.
(Sade, 2004, p. 14).
In this way we can say that, "in the imperfect constitution of our...world there is a sum
of evils equal to that of good" (Sade, 2004, p. 17), or in the words of Smith, in human
conduct we find at the same time selfishness and piety, the desire for freedom and the
chains of property (Roll, 1994, p. 128), and by highlighting the forgotten part, vice and
not virtue, we propose to rescue the political dimension, as opposed to other views,
which hinder it.
Violence and the state. The state, says Weber (1984, p. 8) can only be defined by
reference to a specific means that it, like any political association, possesses: physical
Violence in Mexico: the politicides in Puebla from 2010-2020
Espirales. Revista multidisciplinaria de investigación científica, Vol. 5, No. 39
October - December 2021. e-ISSN 2550-6862. págs 55-66
58
violence, although this is neither the normal means nor the only one it uses, but its
specific means, while the government would be that human community which, within a
given territory, claims (successfully) the monopoly of legitimate violence. Thus, in the
theorists of the state, we observe the transition from the individual to the social, as well
as the need for the state to concentrate power and ensure obedience, either by pact,
by cession or by submission, making it clear, as Maestre (2000, p. 237) points out, that
society is power relations.
Machiavelli, in The Prince (1983), was one of the first to point out that the formation or
reformation of states, and even their organization into different forms of government, is
in reality the confrontation between different social classes to maintain or conquer
power, although he later points out, in the Discourses (Machiavelli, 2000, p. 417), that
men gathered to defend themselves, and to flee the evils they proceeded to elaborate
laws and order punishments for those who did not respect them, choosing as chief the
most just. 417), that men came together to defend themselves, and to flee from evils
they proceeded to elaborate laws and order punishments for those who did not respect
them, electing as chief the most just, a point on which he agrees with Bodin (1997, p.
42), for whom the state is a society of men gathered to live well and happily, where "the
prince is obliged to assure his subjects, by force of arms and laws, their persons, their
goods and families, and the subjects by reciprocal obligation owe their prince faith,
submission, obedience, help and assistance".
Hobbes (1994, p. 11) also follows a similar line, since he is among the first to deny the
natural altruism of man and to affirm his innate rapacity, his initial position of war against
all, and stresses pride, ambition and vanity as the basis of human happiness. Although
he later points out that man needs other beings on whom to rely, whom he seeks by
conviction or by force, expansive energy whose limit is the fear of death, which is the
origin of the law and the state, which arises for the protection and defense of man,
being reward and punishment his nerves and sedition and civil war his death (Hobbes,
1994, p. 3).
We can point out that Machiavelli (1984), Hobbes (1994) and Rousseau (1982) gave their
conception an imaginative form where the ruler represents the collective will although,
in reality, the prince neither existed nor exists, it was a resource to convince, although
the modern prince managed to concretize a collective will that we must understand as
a historical necessity, but which also reflects the effort of the ruling class to prevent its
formation in the old terms and to do it in its own terms, hence its efforts in an intellectual
and moral reform that allows it to achieve this by establishing the distinction between
rulers and ruled.
At first, the rulers were attached to the political parties, which formed them as leaders
and gave them ideology, which allowed them cohesion and leadership capacity, but at
the present time, with the crisis of the parties, the social groups are distancing
themselves from them, because they feel that the politicians no longer represent them,
that they have no loyalty to the party and offer it to the highest bidder, changing
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programs and reassuming control quite quickly, which ends up making everything
anachronistic.
This is reflected in Mexico's economic evolution from the second half of the 20th century
to the present day, where we can also identify two stages, one of accelerated growth,
which allowed the transition from a rural to an urban country, from predominantly
agricultural to industrial activities, with decreasing illiteracy and mortality rates, and
another one of stagnation, where job creation was not enough, wages went down,
poverty belts proliferated in the big cities, and the state's character of regulating
inequalities disappeared, disincorporating the companies it had created and becoming
a promoter of the market and the private sector.
This is a consequence of the abandonment of the social model emanating from the
Mexican revolution and the establishment of the neoliberal model, which is also
accompanied by the renewal of political elites where those coming from popular sectors
or public universities were completely replaced by graduates from private universities
and business sectors Calvillo (2010). The problem is that its implementation deepens
social phenomena such as insecurity, human rights violations, migration, illiteracy, family
disintegration, poverty, social marginalization, corruption and juvenile delinquency,
among others.
This justifies our interpretation that with their decisions, product of their incapacity
and/or their interests, the political class has generated poverty, and with it conditions
for the rise of illicit activities with its corollary of violence, since these offer the poor the
possibility of wealth in a short time, being the risk something assumable, at the same
time that the entry of dirty money to political campaigns opens the door to political
power, thus reinforcing the spiral of violence that by its levels today questions the
monopoly of the state over it.
Next, we present the method used that allowed us to identify the theoretical
perspective from which to approach the problem of violence in general and politicides
in particular, as well as to obtain the statistical data we present to demonstrate the
magnitude of the violence experienced by politicians in Puebla, especially with regard
to politicides.
Materials and methods
The research uses a mixed methodology, since it combines the quantitative aspect,
used to collect and present statistical data, obtained through research on Internet sites,
with the purpose of supporting the hypothesis based on identifying their behavioral
regularities and, through inferential analysis, projecting their future behavior, thus
seeking a change in the behavior of the political class, which makes this research an
exploratory-descriptive-correlational-explanatory type.
Once the research topic had been identified and delimited, we proceeded to compile
the materials necessary for its development, which we were able to separate into two
Violence in Mexico: the politicides in Puebla from 2010-2020
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types, bibliographic and periodical, which were found in two ways, in physical form and
in electronic format.
During the literature review, we found that there is research on violence that has
generated widely developed theories, but not on the topic of interest to us, politicides.
And although some of these theories could be adapted to our topic, we consider that
they would yield partial interpretations, so we decided to approach it from a more
humanistic and institutional perspective, as we pointed out in the previous section.
Our first approach to the topic was an exploratory type of research, which allowed us to
familiarize ourselves with the subject and obtain information that convinced us to carry
out a more in-depth investigation, although the extent of the topic inclined us towards
a more particular context. At this second level, the statistical data obtained allowed us
to identify people and profiles, establishing correlations between the data, making
possible a more descriptive knowledge of the phenomenon. Subsequently, we tried to
give an explanation to the problem in relation to the subject's activity, advancing to a
solution proposal based on it. The statistical data found about violence against
politicians in Puebla are presented below.
Results
The official national homicide figures available place 2019 as the most violent year in
the last 22 years, reaching 34,582, and reflect that, if nothing effective is done, the trend
will continue in 2020 (see Table 1). In 2018 the country ranked second in the world in
homicides only behind Brazil, which in 2017 reported 57.4 thousand homicides
according to the "Report on Citizen Security in Latin America: Facts and Figures" of the
Igarapé Institute.
During 2019 the states with the highest incidence were the State of Mexico, Mexico
City, Jalisco, Guanajuato and Baja California. Registered femicides were 10 percent
higher reaching 1,000 6 cases against 912 the previous year with Veracruz, Nuevo León,
Puebla and the State of Mexico being the places with the highest risk.
Comparing the figures, Peña Nieto's six-year term surpassed Calderón's by 60,304
homicides, since during the 2012-2018 period the figure reached 147,767 homicides
compared to 87,463 during the 2006-2012 period. The figures for the first year and two
months of the new government are not encouraging.
Table 1.
Annual Homicides 2007-2018.
War on Drugs
Mexico in Peace
2007: 2,826
Dec. 2012: 2,325
2008: 6,837.
2013: 23 thousand 928.
2009: 11,753.
2014: 17 thousand 336.
2010: 19,546.
2015: 18 thousand 707.
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2011: 24 thousand 068.
2016: 22 thousand 962.
2012: 22 thousand 433.
2017: 29 thousand 168.
2018: 33 thousand 341*
Looking at the data in Table 1, we can see that homicide figures do not go down, on
the contrary, year after year they rise (with the exception of the last year of Calderón
and the second and third years of Peña Nieto), placing Mexico in the first places
worldwide. This contradicts the official discourse of the current government of a
supposed "downward criminal incidence" in terms of homicides, and that "violence has
been reduced to its minimum expression".
Comparing the annual figures we can say that the entities where there is more violence
are the State of Mexico and Guerrero, since in 2017, 2 thousand 529 homicides were
registered in Guerrero, in the State of Mexico 2 thousand 368, in Baja California 2
thousand 317 and in Chihuahua 2 thousand 12 while during 2016 in the State of Mexico
2 thousand 749 cases were reported, in Guerrero 2 thousand 542, in Chihuahua 1
thousand 757, in Michoacán 1 thousand 339 and in Jalisco 1 thousand 294. For the
period 2012- 2015, the State of Mexico is the bloodiest, with 8 thousand 845
executions, followed by Guerrero, with 6 thousand 040, Chihuahua with 5 thousand 176,
Jalisco, with 3 thousand 946 and Michoacán with 3 thousand 629.
In the 2017-2018 electoral process alone, up to May 31, there have been 177
aggressions against politicians in the country, which have cost the lives of 103 people
among whom we find pre-candidates, candidates, mayors, former mayors, councilors,
militants, party leaders, former councilors, deputies, trustees and former trustees.
And while it is true that since 2006, and until May 31, 2016, 82 mayors, former mayors
and elected mayors had been assassinated, from June 1, 2016 to April 16, 2018, 40
more have been murdered, so that in less than two years half as many crimes are
committed as in a decade, with the most dangerous entities for mayors being Guerrero,
Oaxaca, Tamaulipas, Veracruz, Durango, Mexico, Michoacán and Puebla where 59
former mayors, 54 incumbent mayors and 9 elected mayors have paid with their lives,
figures with which Peña Nieto reaches the figure of 114 mayors, former mayors and
elected mayors murdered during his term, a figure that exceeds almost 3 to one the 48
of Calderón Hinojosa. (Ángel, 2016; Núñez, 2018).
Of these 122 mayors murdered from 2006 to date, 55 belonged to the PRI, 29 to the
PRD, 16 to the PAN and 22 belonged to other parties, while 103 were officials of towns
with less than 50,000 inhabitants, 11 of towns with more than 50,000 but less than
100,000 people and 8 of municipalities with more than 100,000 people.
Regarding violence rates, Puebla closed 2019 among the 5 entities with the highest
incidence of crimes such as vehicle theft, kidnapping and femicides, however, in other
crimes such as rape, homicides and domestic violence, it also ranked among the top 10
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(Melchor,2020). According to the Semáforo delictivo de Puebla during the last 5 years
homicides increased from 493 in 2015 to 581, 894, 1105 and 1108 for 2016, 2017, 2018
and 2019 respectively. Femicides reached 6, 12, 27, 27, 32 and 58 cases, rapes 548,
649, 668, 817, 919 and family violence complaints 5024, 5586, 6327, 7296 and 9077 in
each of these years. (Government of the State of Puebla, 2019).
In the state of Puebla, 52 politicians have been murdered during the last 10 years (the
figure does not include homicides of family members), of which almost 60 percent (23)
have occurred during the government of Antonio Gali, the year 2017 and the first 5
months of 2018. More worrying, for politicians, would be to note that 70 percent of the
homicides occurred during the Gali administration, are homicides occurred in the
framework of the electoral process to renew the elections for President of the Republic,
Governor, Senators, Federal and Local Deputies as well as mayors, to the extent that,
of the homicides recorded in 2018, 40 percent are of candidates for elected office, 20
percent of collaborators and 10 of electoral officials.
Table 3 shows the names of the municipal officials in office, former officials and elected
officials who have been assassinated by year, political status and party. Cases that had
a significant media effect such as Juany Maldonado and Erika Cazares, Ángel Morales,
Efraín García, Aarón Varela and Jairo García stand out in said table, while in 2017 those
of Miranda Ponce, Hernández Pasión, González Saínos, Delfino Hernández or Antolín
Vital.
Likewise, although violence and robbery or extortion as a motive are notable, the lack
of transparency in the identification of the motive, the large amounts of money
requested when it came to collecting ransom, and the use of bodyguards are especially
striking. This can be seen in the case of Gustavo Martín Gómez, murdered with 11 shots;
Lenin Portal Sánchez with five; Manuel Hernández Pasión; Isaías M., ex-director of Public
Security of Zacatlán, murdered during an alleged robbery, as well as Delfino Alfonso
Hernández; Jorge Hernández, murdered along with three other people; Jesús Antonio
Hernández Jiménez, who was shot; Rigoberto Barragán Amador, assassinated and
attempted kidnapping; Neftalí Hernández Mejía murdered for robbery.
The above stands out even more if we incorporate, although we do not go into it in
depth, the kidnappings and release of politicians and their family members for ransom,
such as the cases of Joaquín de la Rosa, who was released for 4 million pesos, as
happened with Fidel Arcos and Marciano Hernández; of Esteban Fosado, for whom they
asked 10 million pesos; or those of the brother of Mariano de Gante, or the children of
Juan Ojeda; or those who were not paid and were murdered, such as Manuel Gómez
Fosado and Isarve Cano; and some who never appeared, such as Zito Ángel Zanatta,
and Edilberto GarcíaCamacho (2016).
This situation, homicides, kidnappings, extortions, disappearances, although not
exclusive to the state of Puebla, should call our attention because they reflect the
ineffective management of the Mexican political class, which by privileging their
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interests has established a regime contrary to the interests of the majority, which
produces poverty, unemployment and misery, which makes it possible for criminal
groups to find people willing to expose their lives for the promise of a better life.
The inexplicable enrichment of the political class is exposed by noting the large ransom
payments demanded and sometimes paid, without the need to investigate white houses
or properties of politicians, such as those exposed during the electoral campaigns in
each corresponding entity. This is an issue that deserves to be investigated since it raises
questions such as: how many politicians elected to elected office have not been
corrupted? to what levels does this corruption reach? in what areas is it possible to steal
the most without being caught?. Politicides are a variant of the problem of insecurity
and violence that needs to be made visible because only in the heat of the political
competition it is noticed, but once the election is over it is forgotten, which is reflected
in the few articles on the subject and the confusing information that exists about it.
However, disturbing questions arise, such as: What will a politician be willing to do or
accept in order to guarantee his and his family's security? Or what is he doing today to
ensure it?.
Besides the fact that such situation contrasts radically with a previous moment where
such problems, even if they existed, did not have such magnitude, perhaps because, as
a result of the GDP performance, there were not so many pressures on the economy.
The worrying thing is that the political class does not take responsibility for anything,
not even for the violence against it, and, as for all other evils, blames the other, society,
the state, drug trafficking, the public school, the family. He never blames himself for
having abandoned a more or less successful system to impose one that throws more
poor into the streets, into the jails, into the neighboring country. But the following
doubts arise: are all the politicians who influenced the change of model, such as Salinas
or Zedillo, abroad? what motivated them to promote the change of model? have they
benefited from it? who were the main ones? who are still in Mexico? who went abroad?
how many are still in politics? in which positions?. The reality is that Mexico and Puebla
went from being safe zones to high-risk zones to live in, and today, practicing politics in
Puebla is a high-risk activity. The data are there and do not lie, and in Puebla all this
happened in less than a decade, although at the national level it did not take much
longer, since the trigger was the six-year term of 2006-2012.
Conclusions
The goals in security and violence are not being met. Neither by the current federal
government nor by the local governments, neither new nor previous, leaving the
promise of reducing it frustrated because, on the one hand, on a national level we
occupy the first places in the world in violence, and on the other, the state occupies the
first places at the national level. Violence manifests itself in homicides, femicides,
kidnappings, extortions, lynchings, robberies, unequal development, poverty, social
protests, criminalization of protests, migration, among others, issues that are associated
with the indicators of the Failed States Index of the Fund for Peace.
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These problems of insecurity are accompanied by governments that are distant and
insensitive to society and its demands. The constant increase of politicides in the last 10
years, a situation that contrasts with previous decades when this phenomenon was not
observed, the frequency of violent events make people get used to them, normalizing
violence with simple arguments such as: they were in the wrong, the sense of impunity
and force generate in criminal groups demonstrations of power that seem to
demonstrate the lack of an effective monopoly of legitimate and effective force over a
territory. As a corollary we can state: politicians who win elections and live, maintain
commitments with the mafias, those who do not maintain them or want to charge them
dearly are executed.
…………………………………………………………………………………………….
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